通过这个平台,分享我对马来西亚的终身学习发展、宪制与司法及赋予马华新生命力的看法。
欢迎大家提供意见,彼此交流。

Showing posts with label 理性與感性. Show all posts
Showing posts with label 理性與感性. Show all posts

2008-12-26

Menegakkan Kebenaran Terhadap Pembunuhan Kejam Askar-Askar

My friend Yew Chien told me that there was an article published in Utusan Melaysia on 22 December.
This article-- published in the form of Letter from Reader--miscontrued our efforts to address the historical injustice committed by British Army as an effort to rectify the Communist movement during the Emergency.
As the article is baseless and rely on wrong facts, I have therefore responded to the article via Utusan Malaysia Forum.

Below is my response to it:

Menegakkan Kebenaran Terhadap Pembunuhan Kejam Askar-Askar UK

Pembangunan yang berterusan oleh negara kita sedang berhadapan dengan satu masalah besar. Sesetengah suku masyarakat kita masih dibebani dengan pemikiran stereotaip yang gemar untuk melabel pihak yang tidak bersetuju sebagai pelampau atau “extremist” tanpa sebarang asas atau justifikasi. Seorang yang dikenali sebagai “Tan” termasuk di dalam kategori ini apabila beliau mempamerkan permikiran yang sempit dan kolot di dalam artikel beliau yang bertajuk “Usaha pinda fakta sejarah iktiraf perjuangan PKM” (Utusan, 22/12/08).

Tan telah membuat beberapa kesilapan fakta dan asas di dalam artikelnya apabila beliau mendakwa individu-individu yang mengetuai kempen menuntut pembetulan untuk keluarga-keluarga pihak yang terselamat di dalam pembunuhan beramai-ramai di Batang Kali, seolah-olahnya cuba untuk menyatakan yang pergerakan Komunis adalah wajar, yang mana dakwaan tidak berasas ini adalah disangkal dengan keras.

Terdapat bukti-bukti yang kukuh untuk membuktikan yang askar British telah melakukan pembunuhan beramai-ramai yang tidak berperikemanusiaan terhadap 24 orang awam yang tidak bersenjata di Batang Kali pada 11 dan 12 Disember 1948. Pengakuan-pengakuan bersumpah oleh 4 orang askar yang terlibat di dalam pembunuhan itu kini disimpan di Arkib Kebangsaan UK di Kew. Pernyataan-pernyataan tersebut mendedahkan yang pasukan patrol mempunyai arahan awal untuk menghapuskan kampung tersebut; penduduk-penduduk kampung telah ditembak tanpa cubaan untuk melarikan diri; dan terdapat konspirasi untuk mengelirukan soal siasat pada 1949.

Pernyataan saksi-saksi yang terselamat daripada pembunuhan tersebut juga selaras dengan pengakuan askar-askar British berkenaan. Malahan, terdapat 3 orang saksi yang masih di awal usia remaja dan kanak-kanak sewaktu berlakunya pembunuhan tersebut, turut berarak bersama-sama badan perwakilan ke Kedutaan British sempena ulang tahun ke-60 kejadian pembunuhan beramai-ramai tersebut. Ini adalah untuk menyangkal dakwaan Tan yang kononnya tiada ahli perwakilan itu yang telah menyaksikan sendiri pembunuhan beramai-ramai tersebut.

Satu penyiasatan jenayah yang telah dijalankan pada 1970 telah mendedahkan bukti-bukti yang bercanggah di kalangan askar-askar. Walaubagaimanapun, penyiasatan tersebut telah dihentikan secara mendadak oleh Parti Kerajaan Konservatif UK hanya 10 hari selepas mereka memenangi pilihanraya umum. Terdapat juga bukti yang menunjukkan Kerajaan UK telah mencuba untuk melindungi reputasi askar-askarnya yang sedang berhadapan dengan masalah besar di dalam konflik Ireland Utara dan oleh yang demikian, telah menghentikan siasatan pembunuhan beramai-ramai Batang Kali dengan terburu-buru.

Ramai ahli-ahli sejarah dan penulis-penulis telah mempersoalkan rekod-rekod rasmi Kerajaan UK. Di dalam sebuah buku sejarah bergambar yang telah ditulis oleh Lt Col (R) Mohd Azzam Mohd Hanif Ghows bertajuk “The Malayan Emergency Revisited 1948-1960”, terdapat penjelasan mengenai pembunuhan yang telah dilakukan oleh Askar British di Batang Kali pada 12 Disember 1948. Ia menyatakan bahawa “suspicious remained about a possible government whitewash. Indeed later, in 1969 [should be 1970], following the international outcry over the My Lai massacre in Vietnam, claims in British newspaper forced a new investigation, but a change in government in Britain led to the enquiry being aborted, despite sworn statements from participants and a lone survivor that a deliberate massacre had taken place.”

Sebagai tambahan, laman web ensiklopedia, Wikipedia, juga ada menyatakan mengenai Pembunuhan Beramai-ramai Batang Kali: “Early reports claimed the men had run into the soldiers’ gunfire. In contrast, later reports stated that the soldiers gave chase and opened fire on the fleeing villagers. The official account is that the men tried to escape into the jungle after being warned they would be shot if they ran. No one disputes the fact that all the victims were unarmed. Nevertheless, the charge of a massacre has never been thoroughly investigated by either the Malaysian or British governments. The British troops and locals involved were never charged over the killings.”

Syak wasangka yang sama juga boleh didapati di dalam buku yang ditulis oleh dua ahli sejarah dari Universiti Cambridge, “Forgotten Wars – The End of Britain’s Asian Empire.” Di dalam artikel Tan, beliau nampaknya telah terlalu bergantung kepada cerita yang diberikan oleh Chin Peng tanpa melakukan kajian yang sempurna.

Jelas di sini, Jawatankuasa yang menuntut keadilan untuk mangsa-mangsa bukanlah mempersoalkan keesahan Darurat atau perperangan gerila itu sendiri. Walaubagaimanapun, tiada siapa yang boleh bertoleransi dengan kekejaman yang telah dilakukan oleh mereka yang bersenjata dan bertindak ganas terhadap orang awam yang tidak berdosa dan tidak bersenjata. Ini adalah nilai diri asas yang diperjuangkan oleh rakyat Malaysia dan generasi muda. Nilai diri yang menghormati maruah manusia, nilai diri yang mana kebenaran dan kejujuran adalah asas masyarakat yang sivik dan maju, dan nilai diri yang mana pesalah akan dipertanggungjawabkan. Tidak terdapat had masa yang menghalang nilai-nilai ini untuk berkembang, dan juga tidak terdapat apa-apa perberzaan prinsip untuk nilai-nilai ini ditegakkan di mana-mana bahagian di dunia ini.

Ia dipercayai secara luasnya bahawa sesetengah suku masyarakat mempunyai niat untuk menyembunyikan kebenaran dan menyeleweng masyarakat umum dan juga komuniti antarabangsa, termasuk Kerajaan UK dan Tan. Oleh itu, usaha untuk membetulkan kesalahan sejarah tentang pembunuhan beramai-ramai Batang Kali telah dibangkitkan secara tegas daripada MCA, PKR, dan DAP bersama-sama 553 Persatuan dan NGO Malaysia.

Quek Ngee Meng
Kuala Lumpur


Original article by Tan (Utusan, 22/12/2008)
Source:

Usaha pinda fakta sejarah iktiraf perjuangan PKM

SEKUMPULAN aktivis Cina yang disokong oleh DAP telah menuntut kerajaan Britain membayar dosa tenteranya yang didakwa telah membunuh 24 penduduk keturunan Cina di sebuah kampung di Batang Kali, Selangor.

Kumpulan tersebut menuntut pampasan sebanyak 80 juta pound (RM425 juta) kerana kononnya tentera yang dibunuh itu bukan pengganas komunis seperti yang didakwa.

Tunjuk perasaan telah diadakan di hadapan pejabat Pesuruhjaya Tinggi Britain di Kuala Lumpur baru-baru ini disusuli dengan penyampaian memorandum tuntutan itu.

Isu tersebut juga pernah diperjuangkan oleh DAP di Parlimen.

Anggota kumpulan aktivis tersebut tidak pernah menyaksikan sendiri peristiwa pembunuhan itu tetapi membuat tuntutan berasaskan fakta sejarah yang memihak kepada mangsa seperti yang ditulis oleh pemimpin Parti Komunis Malaya, Chin Peng dalam memoirnya, My Side of History.

Chin Peng mendakwa mangsa pembunuhan itu bukan pengganas tetapi orang awam dan beliau menyamakan tindakan tentera British itu seperti peristiwa My Lai yang berlaku 19 tahun kemudiannya di Vietnam iaitu pada 16 Mac I968 di mana tentera Amerika melakukan pembunuhan orang awam secara beramai-ramai.

Menurut Chin Peng, sebuah akhbar mingguan popular British, The People telah mendapat maklumat tentang peristiwa yang sama berlaku di Malaya semasa darurat dan menjalankan siasatan dengan menemu ramah bekas tentera yang berkhidmat pada masa itu dan mendedahkannya di muka hadapan The People keluaran 1 Februari 1970.

Pendedahan itu berkata: "It flatly charged that on December 1948, the Scots Guards platoon had perpetrated a cold blooded massacre civillian workers at Batang Kali."

Menurut Chin Peng lagi, semua fail polis mengenai Batang Kali masih dirahsiakan sehingga hari ini. Beliau menyifatkan dakwaan British terhadap mangsa pembunuhan itu sebagai 'pengganas' adalah emotive terminology yang digunakan supaya tidak berlaku pendewaan terhadap perjuangan PKM. Beliau mengemukakan hal itu sebagai satu kes 'sejarah disunting' atau dipinda atau diputarbelitkan.

Perjuangan menuntut pampasan bagi kejadian Batang Kali telah dibuat berulang kali lama sebelum Hindraf menuntut ratusan juta ringgit pampasan daripada kerajaan Britain kerana tidak menjaga kebajikan orang India sebagai pendatang dan buruh di bawah pemerintahan penjajahan British.

Yang tidak menuntut pampasan daripada kerajaan British ialah orang Melayu kerana mereka merasakan bahawa dengan pemberian kemerdekaan negara ini maka British tidak lagi berhutang kepada mereka.

Kemerdekaan inilah pengiktirafan terhadap ketuanan mereka tetapi pihak lain harus menghalalkan perjuangan yang haram bagi mengesahkan ketuanan dan hak mereka ke atas negara ini.

Itulah kehendak PKM yang telah menegakkan pemerintahan Bintang Tiga beberapa hari selepas kekalahan Jepun dan sebelum anggota MPAJA atau PKM lari ke hutan untuk meneruskan perjuangan bersenjata bagi menegakkan pemerintahan Cina di Malaya pada tahun 1948.

Nampaknya buku sejarah perjuangan PKM yang ditulis oleh pemimpin-pemimpinnya sama ada yang masih hidup atau telah mati sedikit sebanyak berjaya menjadi isu kontroversi di negara ini setelah PKM dikalahkan dan dihapuskan.

Golongan cauvinis Cina di Malaya mahu meneruskan perjuangan yang gagal itu.

Jika kerajaan Britain bersetuju membayar pampasan itu maka bererti pengiktirafan terhadap perjuangan PKM dan banyak lagi pembunuhan pengganas akan dituntut untuk diiktiraf sebagai pembunuhan awam dengan bukti daripada bekas pemimpin PKM dan juga orang yang bersimpati dengan mereka di luar negara.

Tidak hanya Ching Peng yang menulis memoirnya tetapi Rashid Maidin dan Shamsiah Fakeh dan beberapa orang lagi bekas pemimpin PKM berketurunan Melayu juga menulis kisah masing-masing untuk mengesahkan perjuangan mereka.

Harus diingat jika PKM berjaya, negara ini tidak lagi mempunyai orang Melayu sebagai raja dan Yang di-Pertuan Agong, juga tidak ada lagi perbincangan mengenai ketuanan Melayu.

Sesungguhnya bukan sukar untuk meminda sejarah kerana Singapura telah pun berjaya melakukannya dan di Malaysia usaha secara terancang sedang berlaku sekarang.

TAN

Melaka

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2008-12-14

Malaysia's Last Witness to 1948 Massacre Calls for Justice (AFP法新社)




AFP (法新社)coverage on the Batang Kali Massacre, which was published this morning. Full text as follows:

BATANG KALI, Malaysia (AFP) — Tham Yong is elderly and infirm, but the sole living survivor of Malaysia's 1948 Batang Kali massacre says she still vividly remembers what she calls "the day the British killed our men".

"After so much time, it still hurts me every time I talk about it, I remember it just like yesterday," she says, tears streaming down her cheeks as she recounts the slaying of 24 unarmed villagers by Scots Guards troops.

The 77-year-old former rubber tapper has spent decades fighting for compensation over the terrible events in the village of Batang Kali on December 11 and 12, 1948.

But as she succumbs to throat cancer, the campaign is being taken up by a new generation of activists and politicians who have demanded an apology from Britain and 80 million pounds (149 million dollars) in compensation.

The leader of the campaign, 40-year-old lawyer Quek Ngee Meng -- whose father lives in Batang Kali -- marched with a small band of supporters to the British High Commission on Friday to mark the 60th anniversary of the event.

The group presented a memorandum condemning the massacre to High Commissioner Boyd McCleary, who came out to the embassy gates to meet with the protesters.


"We are asking for a proper public enquiry to be held... I think it's a fair request," Quek told AFP.

"Let us show our evidence and if we have proven our case, then meet our demands. If the outcome favours the British government, then we will stop this protest," he said.

In June 1948, the British authorities declared a state of emergency in the colony then known as Malaya, which was overrun by communist insurgents engaged in a violent and brutal guerrilla war that would last 12 years.

The Chinese community in the multiracial nation were suspected of supporting the communists, as most of the insurgents were ethnic Chinese upset over a lack of rights that saw them endure appalling working conditions.

Many were unhappy that after World War II, in which the Chinese communists put up the only effective resistance in Japanese-occupied Malaya, they were now being offered only limited citizenship in the country they had fought for.

This, in addition to a post-war regional economic slowdown that brought massive unemployment, led many to join the communists in a campaign to oust the British colonial rulers.

To contain the insurrection, the authorities used British troops to carry out anti-guerrilla operations although many were raw recruits as most of the soldiers who had fought in World War II had been demobilised.

Batang Kali, which lies just outside the modern capital Kuala Lumpur, remains much like it was on the day when 14 British soldiers opened fire on unarmed men and torched the village.

Tham Yong still lives there, in a spartan house with cement floors, a single lightbulb and only a few sticks of furniture.

"The soldiers came in the evening as we were preparing our meal," said the elderly lady, who because of surgery for her throat cancer has to press closed a hole in her throat in order to speak.

"They rounded us all up and we were terrified," she said.

"Even though we said we were not communists and we had no weapons, they killed one of the young men in cold blood in front of my eyes because he had a permit to collect durians, written in Chinese."

"I think the British soldiers must have thought it was a communist document," she said.

"The soldiers then told him to run away but he didn't want to, but they pushed him and when he did run, they shot him from the back."

Tham Yong said the soldiers then locked the men, women and children in a small room overnight.

"The next morning they loaded the women and childen in a truck and just after we were out of view we heard many shots and we knew the men were dead," she said.

"We were kept away for a week and when we returned we found the bloated bodies, half eaten by animals with most of them looking as if they were running away when shot. Even today when I think of what happens, it hurts so much."

The shooting was quickly explained away by the local government, with the then Malayan attorney general saying an inquiry had been held and the troops vindicated, although no trace of this investigation has been found.

The guerrilla war left thousands dead and formally ended only in 1989 with the signing of a peace treaty with the Malayan Communist Party.

The massacre lay forgotten until Britain's People newspaper in 1970 published an explosive account of the killings, publishing sworn affidavits by several soldiers involved who admitted the villagers were shot in cold blood.

The soldiers said in the statements -- now on record in British archives -- that the villagers were forced at gun-point to run, and then killed in a bid to make it look like an escape attempt.

Some of the soldiers said they were ordered to kill the villagers as a desire for revenge brewed among senior officers after several communist insurgents killed British and local security personnel weeks before.

The revelations caused major ripples in Britain just ahead of national elections, with then defence secretary Dennis Healy promising a full investigation.

However, plans for the enquiry were dropped after the Conservatives took power.

It was not until 1992, when a BBC documentary reminded Malaysians of the killings, that interest was revived, but demands for an inquiry have failed to make any headway.

Cabinet minister Ong Tee Keat, who is head of the main Chinese component party in Malaysia's coalition government, said recently that the history of the guerrilla war should be accurately portrayed.

"(The Batang Kali killings) have been glossed over by the colonial government administration. This has been kept under the rug for so long," Ong told AFP.

"What these people are seeking really is historical redress as those that were killed have long been described as bandits and Communist sympathisers," he said.

For Tham Yong, the feelings of injustice remain raw.

"I'm still angry because these were innocent persons but labelled as bandits and communists, when all they were doing was collecting durians and not supplying food to the communists," she said.

"My advanced cancer means I will not around much longer, but I hope people remember what happened here so that those who were killed here are never forgotten."

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2008-12-13

Submit Memorandum at British High Comm on Batang Kali Massacre



We have submitted a copy of the Memorandum to the British High Commissioner, HE Mr. Boyd McCleary CVO this morning, 12 December 2008. Mr. James Paver, Head of Political, Economic & Public Diplomacy Section was present as well.

A delegation of about 100 representatives from Malaysian NGOs, political parties, surviving family members and the members of the Action Committee gathered in front of the British High Commission at Kuala Lumpur around 10:45am. The procession was not able to proceed as planned because the police only allowed a small group of not more than 5 persons to walk to the High Commission, with no marching and no banner / placard displaying.

At the High Commission, the police permitted us to complete the ceremony to pay respect to the victim within 10 minutes. Mourning statement was read and bouquets of white chrysanthemums were delivered at the front of the High Commission.


A delegation of 5 persons met with the High Commissioner, namely:-
1. Quek Ngee Meng, Head of Signature Campaign;
2. Mr. Leon Lu, Voluntary lawyer;
3. Mr. Michael Chong, Head of Public Services and Complaints Bureau of Malaysian Chinese Association;
4. Mr. Tian Chua, Member of Parliament, People Justice Party; and
5. Mr. Tan Chai Ho, Central Committee of MCA.

We summarised the contents of the memorandum submitted to HE Queen Elizabeth II. The High Commissioner gave an expected reply that the London FCO office is looking into this matter and he will forward our memorandum to the London office.

On our request to conduct a public inquiry to investigate this matter, the British High Commissioner seemed receptive to this idea. He was for the idea to close this issue once and for all. However, he emphasized that there must be evidence to warrant a public inquiry.

We brought to the High Commissioner attention that the investigation conducted by the British authorities was incomplete. There was no statement taken from the Malaysian eyewitnesses, nor was there any process of body exhumation and subsequent forensic examination. The High Commissioner was keen to read the sworn statements of the sole survivor and the eyewitnesses. We were more than willing to cooperate at appropriate timing and forum.

The meeting lasted for about half an hour.

We also sought help from the political parties, both MCA and People Justice Party. We hope that they can contact their counterparts in UK or via Commonwealth Parliamentary Association (CPA), where a Malaysian MP is the Chairperson, for purpose of reviving public interest over this issue in UK.

Local press was present to cover this event, but it is not easy to attract attention of the international media. BBC, Al-Jazeera and Reuters were not present despite much effort was put to invite them. AFP special write-up on the Batang Kali massacre will publish on this Sunday instead.


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12月12日请愿行动-到英国最高专员署呈交备忘录




12月12日是峇冬加里屠杀案60年忌日。《追讨英军屠杀工委会》联同华团代表、朝野政党代表及殉难者家属,一起到英国最高专员署呈交请愿书以及自8月开始所收集全国社团签名盖章的支持书。原本的流程是在马华大厦门口集合,再一起步行到英国最高专员署进行追悼仪式和呈交备忘录。
当时在马华大厦驻守的警察超过20人,而英国最高专员署前还有联邦储备队。由于警方要求十分严格,每次只允许不超过5个人一起走,并且每组的距离也必须相当远,结果严重拖延了集合时间。因此,原本计划集合所有人才进行仪式的安排被逼临阵改变,而必须先进行仪式,部分参与者才陆续抵达。
在和其他四名代表进入最高专员署呈交备忘录后,就移步到大同皇朝餐馆进行记者招待会及移交备忘录给政党的仪式。
以下为我在仪式上的讲词:
1. We have today, on the 60th Anniversary of the Batang Kali Massacre, submitted a memorandum to Her Majesty Queen Elizabeth II of the United Kingdom. This Memorandum was received by the British High Commissioner.
2. In the Memorandum, the Action Committee Condemning the Batang Kali Massacre urges Her Majesty to assert her vast influence on the UK Government to act honourably. We are demanding a thorough and independent investigation via a public inquiry on the Batang Kali Massacre be conducted as a matter of the utmost urgency.

3. We have compelling evidence to prove that the British army committed a brutal massacre of 24 unarmed civilians at Batang Kali on 11 and 12 December 1948. This evidence includes but not limited to the eye-witnesses statements and the confession of soldiers involved under oath. However, we know that the United Kingdom’s official records state that these 24 unarmed civilian were trying to escape whilst under the soldiers’ custody. These civilians were later alleged as “bandits” and “terrorists”. We strongly and firmly deny the UK Government’s official account.

4. The UK Government’s official conclusion was reached with an absolutely incomplete investigation. There is no statement taken from the Malaysian eye-witnesses and their relatives; nor is there any process of exhumation and forensic examination. As such, while the non-UK official communities are clearly aware of the stubborn fact that the Batang Kali Massacre has indeed taken place, we opine that the most convenience forum to find out the historical truth is to go through a public inquiry under the UK Inquiries Act, 2005.

5. The proposed public inquiry must be empowered to make recommendations to expeditiously address the consequences of the Massacre such as meeting the demands of the surviving families, namely an official apology, financial compensation and construction of a memorial for the victims. This public inquiry ought to be led by senior judge of UK or European Union.

6. Thus far, our experience in dealing with the UK Government often met with silence and passive reply. We must continue to assert influence and pressure from various angles on the UK Government for purpose of addressing this historical wrong.

7. We are lobbying the Malaysian Members of Parliament and Political Parties. They have their network and connection with their counterparts within the Commonwealth countries, in particular the UK MP and Political Parties. We hope to woo the hearts and sympathy of the politicians because it is an integral part of our struggle to rectify the continuing injustice.

8. We must have the continuous and unreserved support from the local and international NGOs, which form the core of a civic society. In any civic society, there is an absolute prohibition of torture and the right not to be arbitrarily deprived of life. The Batang Kali Massacre is a clear violation of this right. We must express our sincere gratitude toward 553 Malaysian NGOs and Societies which have endorsed their full support on the cause of seeking redress for the massacre victims.

9. We need local and international media to help in our struggle. Our voice is lesser in power if compared to the mighty State. The investigative coverage given by the media will create appropriate public pressure on the UK Government to accede to our request.

10. Last but not the least, we must thank the surviving families and their relatives, for their patient for the past 60 years. They have told me that they are prepared to forgive the inhumane act of the soldiers, but they will not forget the brutal killings of their love ones. They are determined to seek a full explanation of the reasons for what occurred along with a meaningful apology and redress for the surviving family members. The Action Committee Condemning the Batang Kali Massacre and its committee members as well as volunteers are with you.

Thank you.

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2008-12-10

哀悼党的楷模 - 李成材同志


今早接到电话与短讯,成材同志去世了!这是一个晴天霹雳的恶讯,让我今早上的心情直跌到谷底。

早在80年代末与90年初,我开始接触马华活动与翻阅政治新闻,我就知道李成材这一位马华/马青教育局的苦干型党员。有不少和我年龄相近的党员就因为参与成材所推动的教育局活动,被他对教育的执着与对党的忠诚所感染,选择在大专毕业后加入马华的工作队伍。

与成材有着面对面接触,更多的互动是自2004年11月,我全面投入参与马华终身学习运动起。

成材深信推广阅读的重要,因此我们曾一起为雪州教师举办3天2夜的引导学生阅读计划。

成材对数据和文字的认真也让人钦佩。在举办马华九大政纲时,他对马华在教育方面的贡献的文献说明,非常认真与细心、并要求尽善尽美。相信这是因为他受党委托执行党的教育工作,因此,对于这份责任尽其所能,全力以赴的完成。

成材也展现个人的魄力,扛起田野调查式的收集全国1200多间华小校地的调查。我与几名律师朋友曾一起协助校对与审核调查所收集的全国华小校地资料。当时我曾对他说:“只有你亲自出马,才能把全国华小的实况资料一一收集与分析。这工作不是一般人所能做的。”

我亲睹成材对华文教育状况了如指掌的熟悉,我感受到他对发展华文教育的执着,我也对他默默地为马华作出实际的贡献而肃然起敬。

成材同志,你是我参与马华公会的楷模。你虽然走了,但你认真、实事求是、忠诚为党、不计较官职与党职的态度与精神,是塑造一个强盛马华公会的基石。我会以你的精神为个人生涯发展的指标。


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2008-12-03

在韩新传播学院教书


与有缘结下师生缘的二甲学生的合照

时间过得真快。转眼间,我自9月在韩新新闻传播学院执教的日子已在上星期五步入尾声。随着一星期的考试周,我在2008年第3学期的执教生涯正式闭幕。

面对着约50名二甲班的学生,我尝试将我所知道关于联邦宪法与新闻法规的知识和这些学生们分享。抛开之前的演说经验,这是我第一次长时间及有规划的教授两门法律课程。这在耐力、规划、沟通等各方面,都是一种挑战。

希望经过3个月的分享与相处,二甲班的韩新学生能对基本的联邦宪法与新闻法规有初步的认识。我相信有些学生还挺喜欢这看似沉闷,但却与生活息息相关的法律课程。

预祝二甲班学生考试顺利。


这两门课的课程纲要:
http://tommyqnm.googlepages.com/ConstitutionalLaw-CourseOutline.pdf

http://tommyqnm.googlepages.com/MediaLaw-CourseOUtline.pdf
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2008-11-05

继续播制《你怎么说》


《你怎么说》在没有预先通知之下,突然停播。

新闻部长阿末沙比里解释这是因为节目收视率低而腰斩,副部长陈莲花则说这是因为RTM2要进行节目重组,所以把节目停掉。

部长说该节目在周日黄金档只有18至19万的观众是浪费钱。可是国营电视台不应该以收视率作为决定节目的命运的主要考量。《你怎么说》提供辩论与探讨社会时事课题的平台,部长本身也是赞成与曾经参与辩论的人。而陈莲花副部长所说的也无法让人信服,毕竟若要进行节目重组,应该是要事先规划和铺排,而非仓促之下先把现有的节目去掉再决定下一步行动。因此我认为这个节目的停播,必然是政治的压力。

这个突如其来的决定,围绕着几件事情而发生,也凸显了国内当前的局势和执政者所面对的问题。
(一) 停止《你怎么说》这个国营电视台唯一的华语清谈节目,新闻部已经失去收集民意的管道,尤其是华社的意见。不仅是政府没有办法从中了解民意,也使得人民无法了解广大社会的意见。了解民意是一个趋势,既然没有办法通过电视了解,许多人就转向其他资讯管道如互联网甚至是手机短讯。308大选就印证了愈是压制民意和新闻讯息,就愈让人民想要获得资讯。


(二) 《你怎么说》两位主持人林猷荃和李晓蕙以及制作单位都是认真尽责的做节目。持平而论,《你怎么说》节目兼顾朝野不同立场,甚而有时因为如此而导致节目出现沉闷的情况(让不同立场的人有平等发言的机会)。

我曾上过这个节目多次,了解到他们秉持着节目不偏颇的大方向,主持人也发挥了应该要有的客观及开放的态度主持节目,并传达政府资讯。可是如今停播的决定,无论是是那个决策单位或负责人下达的指令,都是抱着一种鸵鸟心态。

今天没有了免付费节目《你怎么说》,喜欢观看清谈节目的观众可能就会转看付费的节目。而这些付费电视台往往以刺激收视率为制作节目的主要考量点,使得节目内容在客观和包容性上有所偏差。那些以为把节目停掉就可以杜绝民意散播、自欺欺人的做法,不过是让人民少了一个接受公正与开放资讯的管道。

(三) 贸然仓促及在欠缺合理的情况下把《你怎么说》停播,必然让国阵与成员党付出代价。这个决定也看出国阵/UMNO决策者保守与落后的心态,更重要的是未能从教训中反省学习。真理是越辩越明,民意必须要尊重。试图消音或压制,都是不敢面对客观事实的鸵鸟心态,也阻碍了国家社会进步开放的步伐。

感谢《你怎么说》的主持人及制作单位一直认真并秉持着公正客观的立场制作这个节目。我认为这个节目不可以被停止而必须继续,并且要做得更好。

注:

当今大马:“收视率远较其他语文清谈节目更高,部长腰斩《你怎么说》理由遭质疑”
http://www.malaysiakini.com/news/92514

独立新闻在线:“与各语言清谈节目不相上下,《你怎么说?》收视率不低”http://www.merdekareview.com/news.php?n=8043



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2008-10-19

接受成绩,加快转型步伐


从下午3点左右协助马华党选的计票过程。从计算中委选票开始(63名候选人选出25人),经过冗长且费神的过程后,再到副总会长,接着就是压轴的署理总会长及总会长的计票工作。

开票结果有意料中事,有的则是心中已经有所准备的结果。翁诗杰的中选是意料中事。因为马华处于非常时期,我们需要像翁诗杰这样的非常之人才可以让马华从谷中弹跳出来。而翁诗杰捍卫华社权利的形象也深入民心。因此,他是掌舵马华的最佳人选。加上昨晚看NTV7蔡锐明的总会长候选人政见发表,内容沉闷而毫无创意的政见,让人更坚定的支持翁诗杰。

选举成绩让人欣慰的是新一代的马华干部如李伟杰、何国忠、颜炳寿、李成材、王乃志、尤绰韬、黄日升、颜天禄、廖润强及卢诚国等人都高票跨入中委门槛,他们也将是马华走向转型的干将。

当然,我必须接受黄家泉落选的事实。他是一位有经验的团队工作者,若他当选马华转型的步伐将更一致。但是,他落选了。

作风强硬、主见意识极强的蔡细历在选后向媒体说他会与翁诗杰配合一起转型,但愿如此。毕竟陷入最低潮的马华已经没有内耗的本钱。

党选已经落幕,转型工作必须立即开始。我愿与这个新领导团队一起重振马华,富国强民。

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2008-08-24

Upholding The Value of Human Dignity


On 20th Aug morning, we had a Launching Ceremony of the Signature Campaign Condemning the Batang Kali Massacre held in the Selangor Chinese Assembly Hall. As a Head of the Signature Campaign and one of the volunteer lawyers involved in the legal suit against the British Government, I urge members of public could come forward and give us a strong support by signing the endorsement letter. The month-long nationwide Signature Campaign will end on 20th Sept. All the endorsement letters collected will be sent to Britain, as an evidence that show Malaysians' stance on this case.

Below is the speech I delivered in the Launching Ceremony:

Upholding The Value of Human Dignity

1. We can easily find out the story of the Batang Kali Massacre in bookstore or internet. For example:-

a. In a pictorial history book authored by Lt Col (R) Mohd Azzam Mohd Hanif Ghows entitled “The Malayan Emergency Revisited 1948 – 1960”, we learn about the atrocity committed by the Malayan Communist Party. But at page 55, there is an account of killing committed by British Army in Batang Kali on 12 December 1948. It stated that “suspicions remained about a possible government whitewash. Indeed later, in 1969 (should be 1970), following the international outcry over the My Lai massacre in Vietnam, claims in British newspapers forced a new investigation, but a change in government in Britain led to the enquiry being aborted, despite sworn statements from participants and a lone survivor that a deliberate massacre had taken place.”

b. Similar suspicious can be found in Wikipedia, the website encyclopedia.

Therefore, unless and until the truth is revealed, the Batang Kali Massacre will always haunt the reputation and goodwill of the British Army, if there is any. As Malaysians, we have a duty to find out the truth and seek for justice for those who had sacrrified and suffered during the time of terror.


2. Together with other voluntary lawyers, I went to the National Archives of UK. We discovered the sworn statements of confession made by ex-Scot Guards, the British Army who involved in the Batang Kali Massacre, in 1970. They revealed the following essential evidence:

a. the patrol had prior instruction to wipe out the village;
b. the men were shot without trying to escape; and
c. there was a conspiracy to mislead the inquiry.

Despite the investigation carried out in 1970 revealed contradictory evidences, the Conservative Party Government aborted the investigation barely within 10 days after they have won the general election. We are not convinced with the reasons given by the Tory Government.

3. Aborting an investigation in such a hasty manner would only give rise to more doubt. There is no dispute that the 24 victims were unarmed and they were killed by the British Army. Based on the confession made by the ex-Scots Guards, a massacre had indeed taken place. It is a crime against humanity.

4. Let’s be clear. We are not questioning the legality of the Emergency or the guerilla warfare itself. However, we cannot tolerate any atrocity committed by those who were armed and asserted brutality on the innocent and unarmed civilians.

5. We have no doubt that there were inquiry initiated by the British Government over the Batang Kali massacre, but we strongly believed that certain quarters had an ulterior intention to conceal and cloud the truth, and misled the public including the international community.

6. The families of the massacre victims have no intention to take revenge by seeking criminal punishment on those soldiers involved in the brutal killing. But the families want justice to be done. These include the following:

a. the massacre victims were not bandits or terrorists. They were fellow Malayan residents who have contributed toward the economic wealth of our nation. Their family members want an apology from the UK Government;

b. the families are seeking monetary compensation for loss of their bread winners during the massacre and hardship that the families had suffered after the killing; and

c. a memorial to be built for the massacre victims because their unattended bodies had been remained exposed for more than a week. There is no value of human dignity accorded to the victims.

7. These are the sublime values that the Malaysians and younger generation are striving for. A value that respect human dignity, a value that true and honesty are foundation of a civic and progressive society, and a value that wrongful perpetrator will be held accountable. There is no time limitation restricting these values to flourish, nor is there any standard variation for these values to be upheld in different part of the worlds.

8. The Action Committee Condemning the Batang Kali massacre had submitted a petition to Her Majesty Queen Elizabeth II via the British High Commission on 25 March 2008. There is no response from the UK Government.

9. As such, we need to press on. The Action Committee is mainly made up by the Ulu Yam residents. To the British authority, the Committee may not be strong enough to even warrant a response from the UK Government. In order to intensify the Committee’s effort in seeking justice for massacre victims, the Committee needs support from more Malaysia NGOs and Societies, irrespective of races, religions and background, so long as they subscribe to the values that the Committee is striving for.

10. This is the reason that we are organizing a signature campaign by Malaysian Societies and NGOs to condemn and censure the Batang Kali Massacre. We hope to achieve the following objectives during this signature campaign:
a. uncover the truth and rectify an historical injustice; and

b. enhance a value of upholding human dignity within the Malaysian society.

11. We must give our special thanks to journalists who had relentlessly searching for the truth of this Batang Kali massacre i.e. the “People” Newspaper in 1970 and BBC Documentary “In Cold Blood” in 1992. Local journalists deserved special thanks as well because they have stirred public awareness on this historical injustice within our society so that younger generation can pursue further in seeking justice for the massacre victims.

12. We wish to express our sincere gratitude to the Societies and NGOs who have affixed their signature on the endorsement letters, in support of this signature campaign. We must also thank the ruling and opposition political parties which have provided the necessary backing to this exercise of seeking justice for the massacre victims.


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2008-08-20

一场尊重人权价值的推动




今天上午举行了《追讨英军罪行·全国社团盖章签名运动》的推介礼。我负责协调这个签名运动,目的是吁请国人支持"追讨英军罪行工委会"为死难者家属向英国政府讨回公道,并通过签名盖章展现国民与民间组织的立场。这是一个由当地社区居民以及许多自愿义务人士与团体发起的运动,并将在9月20日活动截止后把所收集的支持书送到英国。

以下为我在推介礼的演讲摘要:

身为较年轻的一辈,我们欲了解60年前24名乌鲁音村民在峇冬加里被屠杀的惨案并不难。只要通过输入关键词:“峇冬加里屠杀惨案”就可以在书本与网站世界略知这是怎么一回事。

无论是书本、报章与网络的资料,它们都有一个共同点,即质疑英军宣称死者是恶匪或恐怖份子是否属实。在英国与本地媒体充分发挥揭露弊端与历史冤案的努力下,峇冬加里屠杀惨案的真实情节逐渐还原。1970年的英国报章报导、1992年的英国广播电视纪录片、英军亲口承认屠杀惨案的宣誓书、屠杀惨案唯一生还者与目击者的口供,工委会律师团在英国国家档案局所收寻的资料,都显示屠杀惨案确实发生。

英国政府承认英军杀害24名手无寸铁的平民,但英政府唯一合法化屠杀的理由是这24名平民尝试逃跑。但,自1970年起揭发的证据,我们有很强的理由不相信英政府的藉口。我们能证明英军不只有意图的屠杀平民,也刻意误导较后成立的调查委员会,蒙蔽惨案事实的真相。很明显的,英国政府已犯下侵犯人权与生命尊严的罪刑。

《追讨英军罪行工委会》的目标明确:绝不能容忍强权者向手无寸铁的平民实施暴行。我们不否认英国政府曾针对峇冬加里屠杀惨案展开调查,但我们相信有一小撮有权位者刻意掩盖事实的真相,企图误导国际社会。

据我所知,死者家属无意向谋害他们亲人的英国士兵采取报复行动。但死者家属坚决向英国政府讨回公道。这包括:
1. 殉难者不是英国政府所抹黑的恶匪或恐怖份子。他们多是胶工,对我国经济发展做出了贡献。英国政府须向殉难家属道歉。
2. 殉难死者都是家庭经济生活的支撑着,因此,殉难家属要求英国政府赔偿他们失去养家糊口的依靠。
3. 殉难死者在屠杀后被曝尸超过7天,全无人性尊严可言。英国政府应为死者家属设立纪念塔以还殉难死者的尊严。

尊重人权与生命尊严的价值是马来西亚年轻一辈追求的目标。这个价值涵盖尊重生命的可贵、强调公民社会是建构在诚实与真实的基础,以及施暴行者须负上历史与社会责任。这些价值都不会因为时间而流失,也不会在不同国家有着不一样的标准。

《追讨英军罪行工委会》曾在2008年3月25日通过英国大使馆向英女王呈交请愿书,但至今并无任何回应。因此,工委会需要更大与更广的社会资源与网络,共同声讨英军屠杀罪行,让英政府感受到全马社团响应尊重人权的呼吁,以及民间伸张正义的团结力量。

工委会决定举办“全国社团签名盖章运动”,共同谴责英军屠杀罪行,希望引起国际社会的关注,将历史真相还原,纠正历史冤案以及共同塑造一个尊重人权的社会。

我们感谢国内外媒体工作者自1970年起不断的挖掘事实真相,使到峇冬加里屠杀惨案的真相有朝一日能够浮现。除此,我们感谢社团与非政府组织,共襄盛举,盖章签名声讨英军屠杀罪行。我们也感谢朝野政党同意成为工委会为殉难者寻求公道的坚决后盾。

工委会谨此呼吁,全国社团与非政府组织积极响应“全国社团签名盖章运动”。我们将在一个月内赴全国各地,将收集到的请愿书通过英国大使馆呈交给英女王,为这历史冤案平反。


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2008-06-12

粗糙手法调涨燃油价格

看到前两天星洲日报言论版谢明意所写的《民众为何如此愤怒》,想到上周三突然宣布燃油涨价至2.70令吉后,我在当时5点多开车去添油,就看到许多人民的不满,车龙中就充斥着高涨的民怨。

大家都知道石油价格上升导致全球汽油上调,是一个国际趋势。理智而言,我们无法长期维持高津贴以享有低廉油价。可是这次引起非常大的反弹与不满,除了涨了78仙以外,更是因为政府在处理调涨的方法上,非常不专业,甚至是粗糙,部长的言论也毫无公信力,加上相关政策朝令夕改。

基本上,支持油价调涨的人应该不少,可是却不是通过如此让人民措手不及、霎时间不知如何反应的方法。政府基本的责任,应该是要稳定民心,提供一个让人具信心的方案,也要让人民看到方向。虽然政府这几天以来采取一些补救措施,可是当时突然大幅度调涨的伤害已经造成,现在需要付出更大的努力,才可以重拾民心。但,至到目前,我还没看到政府在节约的努力。
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2008-04-19

台湾之行纪事-终身学习篇

行程中的两天是拜访台湾终身学习相关团体及读书会。台湾比马来西亚早了许多年推动终身学习,而社区大学今年正迈入10周年,在课程领域方面也颇为广泛。


与这些台湾推动终身学习的团体/政府单位交流的第一个感想是,推动终身学习需要大量的资源,这包括政府政策与热心推动终身学习的志工等。

整体人力资源的发展,尤其针对是已离开学校的青少年及成年人,应该有一个让他们继续成长的培训及学习机制。而台湾的教育部恰好就设有社会教育部门,负责管理与发展社会教育。马来西亚的教育部仍然未有专司社会教育的单位。

另一方面,民间持续的激情参与,也是促成终身学习与社区学习的成功要素之一。这几天参观台湾终身学习方面的机构,看到台湾在这几年确实酝酿了这样的空间,让民间与非政府组织发展社区大学,读书会以及其他的终身学习活动,使得台湾的终身学习落实在社区。相对而言,我国还缺乏这样的风气。

由上而下的利便政策以及由下而上自动自发的热诚,是落实终身学习所不可或缺的。马华正是可以扮演这个中间桥梁的角色。


3月18日拜访台湾社区大学全国促进会。与我们交流的是该会的高茹萍主任以及罗珮菁秘书。这一个非营利组织把台湾的社区大学联络网联系起来,扮演协调的角色。


3月17日,拜访全台第一所社区大学-台北市文山社区大学(该社大设立于文山区景美国中)。校长唐光华先生以志工身份全职投入文山社大工作。他对于社区历史及生态环境,如何融入社大的公民参与课程,更是身体力行的推动,包括出版文山社区的书籍。



3月18日拜访素直友会。隶属于洪建全基金会的素直友会是台湾著名的读书会组织,拥有数十个读书会群。当天交流的是来自种子读书会。这一群读书会会员,以志工的身份到台湾各地推广读书会。



3月17日拜访台湾教育部社会教育司,与朱楠贤司长交流。这是教育部中专门负责终身学习的部门。台湾有终身学习法,现在该部门正着力推动乐龄人士的学习社教活动。



3月18日拜访台北市教育局社教科,与康宗虎副局长及其团队交流。台湾的社区大学由县市政府拨款及处理申办管理事务。社区大学由民间团体管理运作,可是申办经营的管辖权则归政府管辖。












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2008-04-14

台湾之行纪事-政治篇(1)-马萧

近一个月前的台湾之短暂之行,亲身体验了台湾选举的“盛况”,除了通过当地的平面媒体与电视节目追踪选举新闻,也现场参与了2场南台湾的造势活动。看到了台湾选举热闹兼具创意活力,犹如嘉年华会的竞选活动。

一踏出台中高铁月台,进入眼帘的是这个巨型广告板。



3月15日在台中,由于行程安排,只有到长昌竞选总部。后来就到离开台中市1个小时车程左右的谷关泡汤。谷关远离政尘嚣,迂回弯曲山路,看到的是921大地震遗留的痕迹,如没有水源只有石头的发电厂,还有因山型改变而中断了的中部横贯公路。

3月16日,从台中到高雄。同一天傍晚,再次展开“台湾高铁南台湾之行”,飞奔到台南去,只因为马英九在台南市的造势晚会。

在台南市的第一个“活动”,是到2004年总统大选前夕的319两颗子弹事件的现场。就是在这里发出子弹,成为台湾政治发展纪事,其中一个说不清的篇章。


吃过了台南著名的度小月担担面,惊喜发现对面正是马萧台南市竞选总部。
与之前的到过的长昌竞选总部相比,马萧的这个“比较朴素、简单”。当天适逢造势晚会,许多宣传品如旗帜都送完了,不过当时还剩下一些汽球。



抵达马萧造势晚会现场,已经是8时45分。马英九刚上台致词。当晚他致词参杂生涩的闽南语,演讲风格平淡,只是他人一站在台上,每讲两句话就抛出“这样对不对?”,“这样好不好?”,还是激起支持者的情绪,与他一起呼喊。 倒是他身边的助选人员,都讲得比他更激昂澎湃。






9时10分,活动结束。随着播出当时还未出现在台湾电视上的竞选广告。就是那个“我们都准备好了”的短片。在现场看了两次这部广告短片,第一个感觉是很有气势。蓝营的县市首长分别喊出“我们都准备好了”,配上台湾的好山好水,尽显马萧团队治国的气派与格局。其后有人告诉我说,这部广告让人感动,这些县市长用感性而坚定的语气,表达了“向前行”,充满希望的未来。


原版广告短片(完整版)联结 http://www.ma19.net/video/ads

活动结束后的20分钟内,现场几万人已经全部离开。街道上的秩序也相当良好,来自不同地点的支持者,都在各等候区等着专车接载。


3月18日,在离开台湾前夕,到台北马萧竞选总部。


这是马萧总部的其中一个楼层,让青年助选团专用。






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台湾之行纪事-政治篇(2)-长昌






3月15日,台中市长昌总部

第二天(3月16日)在高雄,长昌高雄总部,颇有气派.前面还有一个水池
 

当天是大选前最后一个周末。两个阵营都在全台各地营造最热烈的竞选气氛。
下午三时左右,沿着爱河徒步参与百万击掌活动.当时日烈当空,除了少部分像我这样看热闹的外国人,现场都是情绪高昂的长昌支持者.

 

高雄爱河百万击掌活动造势活动的其中一个站点.沿着爱河设立了许多像这样的站点,有些人潮聚集,有些则是稀稀落落,全看台上有什么活动.因为言论不当而成为众人"讨伐"的台湾教育部主任秘书庄国荣,就是在类似这样的场合发言。

当时我在高雄,看到的是有歌唱舞蹈的活动,也有“吉祥物”助阵的后援会组团前来。

地面的竞选团队外,还有乘船的,以及媒体在直升机上拍摄,可以说是海陆空都有。




百万击掌正式开始。队伍很长,支持者也很有秩序的排队完成“任务”


高雄爱河。离开长昌造势活动百万击掌活动现场。



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