We have submitted a copy of the Memorandum to the British High Commissioner, HE Mr. Boyd McCleary CVO this morning, 12 December 2008. Mr. James Paver, Head of Political, Economic & Public Diplomacy Section was present as well.
A delegation of about 100 representatives from Malaysian NGOs, political parties, surviving family members and the members of the Action Committee gathered in front of the British High Commission at Kuala Lumpur around 10:45am. The procession was not able to proceed as planned because the police only allowed a small group of not more than 5 persons to walk to the High Commission, with no marching and no banner / placard displaying.
At the High Commission, the police permitted us to complete the ceremony to pay respect to the victim within 10 minutes. Mourning statement was read and bouquets of white chrysanthemums were delivered at the front of the High Commission.
A delegation of 5 persons met with the High Commissioner, namely:-
1. Quek Ngee Meng, Head of Signature Campaign;
2. Mr. Leon Lu, Voluntary lawyer;
3. Mr. Michael Chong, Head of Public Services and Complaints Bureau of Malaysian Chinese Association;
4. Mr. Tian Chua, Member of Parliament, People Justice Party; and
5. Mr. Tan Chai Ho, Central Committee of MCA.
We summarised the contents of the memorandum submitted to HE Queen Elizabeth II. The High Commissioner gave an expected reply that the London FCO office is looking into this matter and he will forward our memorandum to the London office.
On our request to conduct a public inquiry to investigate this matter, the British High Commissioner seemed receptive to this idea. He was for the idea to close this issue once and for all. However, he emphasized that there must be evidence to warrant a public inquiry.
We brought to the High Commissioner attention that the investigation conducted by the British authorities was incomplete. There was no statement taken from the Malaysian eyewitnesses, nor was there any process of body exhumation and subsequent forensic examination. The High Commissioner was keen to read the sworn statements of the sole survivor and the eyewitnesses. We were more than willing to cooperate at appropriate timing and forum.
The meeting lasted for about half an hour.
We also sought help from the political parties, both MCA and People Justice Party. We hope that they can contact their counterparts in UK or via Commonwealth Parliamentary Association (CPA), where a Malaysian MP is the Chairperson, for purpose of reviving public interest over this issue in UK.
Local press was present to cover this event, but it is not easy to attract attention of the international media. BBC, Al-Jazeera and Reuters were not present despite much effort was put to invite them. AFP special write-up on the Batang Kali massacre will publish on this Sunday instead.
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2008-12-13
Submit Memorandum at British High Comm on Batang Kali Massacre
12月12日请愿行动-到英国最高专员署呈交备忘录
当时在马华大厦驻守的警察超过20人，而英国最高专员署前还有联邦储备队。由于警方要求十分严格，每次只允许不超过5个人一起走，并且每组的距离也必须相当远，结果严重拖延了集合时间。因此，原本计划集合所有人才进行仪式的安排被逼临阵改变，而必须先进行仪式，部分参与者才陆续抵达。
在和其他四名代表进入最高专员署呈交备忘录后，就移步到大同皇朝餐馆进行记者招待会及移交备忘录给政党的仪式。
以下为我在仪式上的讲词：
1. We have today, on the 60th Anniversary of the Batang Kali Massacre, submitted a memorandum to Her Majesty Queen Elizabeth II of the United Kingdom. This Memorandum was received by the British High Commissioner.
2. In the Memorandum, the Action Committee Condemning the Batang Kali Massacre urges Her Majesty to assert her vast influence on the UK Government to act honourably. We are demanding a thorough and independent investigation via a public inquiry on the Batang Kali Massacre be conducted as a matter of the utmost urgency.
3. We have compelling evidence to prove that the British army committed a brutal massacre of 24 unarmed civilians at Batang Kali on 11 and 12 December 1948. This evidence includes but not limited to the eye-witnesses statements and the confession of soldiers involved under oath. However, we know that the United Kingdom’s official records state that these 24 unarmed civilian were trying to escape whilst under the soldiers’ custody. These civilians were later alleged as “bandits” and “terrorists”. We strongly and firmly deny the UK Government’s official account.
4. The UK Government’s official conclusion was reached with an absolutely incomplete investigation. There is no statement taken from the Malaysian eye-witnesses and their relatives; nor is there any process of exhumation and forensic examination. As such, while the non-UK official communities are clearly aware of the stubborn fact that the Batang Kali Massacre has indeed taken place, we opine that the most convenience forum to find out the historical truth is to go through a public inquiry under the UK Inquiries Act, 2005.
5. The proposed public inquiry must be empowered to make recommendations to expeditiously address the consequences of the Massacre such as meeting the demands of the surviving families, namely an official apology, financial compensation and construction of a memorial for the victims. This public inquiry ought to be led by senior judge of UK or European Union.
6. Thus far, our experience in dealing with the UK Government often met with silence and passive reply. We must continue to assert influence and pressure from various angles on the UK Government for purpose of addressing this historical wrong.
7. We are lobbying the Malaysian Members of Parliament and Political Parties. They have their network and connection with their counterparts within the Commonwealth countries, in particular the UK MP and Political Parties. We hope to woo the hearts and sympathy of the politicians because it is an integral part of our struggle to rectify the continuing injustice.
8. We must have the continuous and unreserved support from the local and international NGOs, which form the core of a civic society. In any civic society, there is an absolute prohibition of torture and the right not to be arbitrarily deprived of life. The Batang Kali Massacre is a clear violation of this right. We must express our sincere gratitude toward 553 Malaysian NGOs and Societies which have endorsed their full support on the cause of seeking redress for the massacre victims.
9. We need local and international media to help in our struggle. Our voice is lesser in power if compared to the mighty State. The investigative coverage given by the media will create appropriate public pressure on the UK Government to accede to our request.
10. Last but not the least, we must thank the surviving families and their relatives, for their patient for the past 60 years. They have told me that they are prepared to forgive the inhumane act of the soldiers, but they will not forget the brutal killings of their love ones. They are determined to seek a full explanation of the reasons for what occurred along with a meaningful apology and redress for the surviving family members. The Action Committee Condemning the Batang Kali Massacre and its committee members as well as volunteers are with you.
Thank you.
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2008-12-10
哀悼党的楷模 - 李成材同志
今早接到电话与短讯，成材同志去世了！这是一个晴天霹雳的恶讯，让我今早上的心情直跌到谷底。
早在80年代末与90年初，我开始接触马华活动与翻阅政治新闻，我就知道李成材这一位马华/马青教育局的苦干型党员。有不少和我年龄相近的党员就因为参与成材所推动的教育局活动，被他对教育的执着与对党的忠诚所感染，选择在大专毕业后加入马华的工作队伍。
与成材有着面对面接触，更多的互动是自2004年11月，我全面投入参与马华终身学习运动起。
成材深信推广阅读的重要，因此我们曾一起为雪州教师举办3天2夜的引导学生阅读计划。
成材对数据和文字的认真也让人钦佩。在举办马华九大政纲时，他对马华在教育方面的贡献的文献说明，非常认真与细心、并要求尽善尽美。相信这是因为他受党委托执行党的教育工作，因此，对于这份责任尽其所能，全力以赴的完成。
成材也展现个人的魄力，扛起田野调查式的收集全国1200多间华小校地的调查。我与几名律师朋友曾一起协助校对与审核调查所收集的全国华小校地资料。当时我曾对他说：“只有你亲自出马，才能把全国华小的实况资料一一收集与分析。这工作不是一般人所能做的。”
我亲睹成材对华文教育状况了如指掌的熟悉，我感受到他对发展华文教育的执着，我也对他默默地为马华作出实际的贡献而肃然起敬。
成材同志，你是我参与马华公会的楷模。你虽然走了，但你认真、实事求是、忠诚为党、不计较官职与党职的态度与精神，是塑造一个强盛马华公会的基石。我会以你的精神为个人生涯发展的指标。
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2008-12-03
在韩新传播学院教书
与有缘结下师生缘的二甲学生的合照
时间过得真快。转眼间，我自9月在韩新新闻传播学院执教的日子已在上星期五步入尾声。随着一星期的考试周，我在2008年第3学期的执教生涯正式闭幕。
面对着约50名二甲班的学生，我尝试将我所知道关于联邦宪法与新闻法规的知识和这些学生们分享。抛开之前的演说经验，这是我第一次长时间及有规划的教授两门法律课程。这在耐力、规划、沟通等各方面，都是一种挑战。
希望经过3个月的分享与相处，二甲班的韩新学生能对基本的联邦宪法与新闻法规有初步的认识。我相信有些学生还挺喜欢这看似沉闷，但却与生活息息相关的法律课程。
预祝二甲班学生考试顺利。
这两门课的课程纲要：
http://tommyqnm.googlepages.com/ConstitutionalLaw-CourseOutline.pdf
http://tommyqnm.googlepages.com/MediaLaw-CourseOUtline.pdf
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2008-11-13
马华中央党职排阵的3个讯息
马华总会长翁诗杰在星期二所公布的中央党职排阵，所产生的回响反应不一。在惊讶、赞许、批评声音交杂中，这个名单传达了3个明确与清晰的讯息：
（1）改革的讯息：强调要改革党组织的虚胀、解决幽灵党员及假党员问题的决心。虽然过去几年陆续处理已经逝世的党员名单，并与国民登记局的记录对照核查，但是这样的复审机制进度缓慢。因此，这一次由两名年轻领袖出任组织秘书和副组织秘书，希望他们展现最大的魄力和执行力，解决那些充斥着马华各级组织的结构问题。新人虽然没有太多的经验，因此也不会有积累多年的旧包袱，所以也可以下更大的决心进行革新。
（2）不粉饰太平：显然的这个阵容告诉我们，翁诗杰并不粉饰太平。毫不掩饰的，就把马华不同理念、不同路线的派系及领袖之间的矛盾完全浮上台面。没有选择安抚某派某系，或是为了宣示党内上下一片祥和气氛而以安插分配职务的方式掩饰既有的矛盾。如此的党职安排，确实赤裸裸地把马华派系间的矛盾呈现出来，但是也让党员思考及必须面对这样的事实，即在不粉饰太平的情况下，翁诗杰如何领导马华继续迈进。
（3）重视道德：有道德缺陷的领袖将不会委派成为党领导组织的前线。这是翁诗杰为马华党组织立下的道德准绳。
翁诗杰时代所掀开的第一章，确实是遵守他本身的竞选承诺，那就是改革党组织。改革必须抛开旧包袱，敢于开创新途径，才能带来一番新气象。
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2008-11-05
继续播制《你怎么说》
《你怎么说》在没有预先通知之下，突然停播。
新闻部长阿末沙比里解释这是因为节目收视率低而腰斩，副部长陈莲花则说这是因为RTM2要进行节目重组，所以把节目停掉。
部长说该节目在周日黄金档只有18至19万的观众是浪费钱。可是国营电视台不应该以收视率作为决定节目的命运的主要考量。《你怎么说》提供辩论与探讨社会时事课题的平台，部长本身也是赞成与曾经参与辩论的人。而陈莲花副部长所说的也无法让人信服，毕竟若要进行节目重组，应该是要事先规划和铺排，而非仓促之下先把现有的节目去掉再决定下一步行动。因此我认为这个节目的停播，必然是政治的压力。
这个突如其来的决定，围绕着几件事情而发生，也凸显了国内当前的局势和执政者所面对的问题。
（一） 停止《你怎么说》这个国营电视台唯一的华语清谈节目，新闻部已经失去收集民意的管道，尤其是华社的意见。不仅是政府没有办法从中了解民意，也使得人民无法了解广大社会的意见。了解民意是一个趋势，既然没有办法通过电视了解，许多人就转向其他资讯管道如互联网甚至是手机短讯。308大选就印证了愈是压制民意和新闻讯息，就愈让人民想要获得资讯。
（二） 《你怎么说》两位主持人林猷荃和李晓蕙以及制作单位都是认真尽责的做节目。持平而论，《你怎么说》节目兼顾朝野不同立场，甚而有时因为如此而导致节目出现沉闷的情况（让不同立场的人有平等发言的机会）。
我曾上过这个节目多次，了解到他们秉持着节目不偏颇的大方向，主持人也发挥了应该要有的客观及开放的态度主持节目，并传达政府资讯。可是如今停播的决定，无论是是那个决策单位或负责人下达的指令，都是抱着一种鸵鸟心态。
今天没有了免付费节目《你怎么说》，喜欢观看清谈节目的观众可能就会转看付费的节目。而这些付费电视台往往以刺激收视率为制作节目的主要考量点，使得节目内容在客观和包容性上有所偏差。那些以为把节目停掉就可以杜绝民意散播、自欺欺人的做法，不过是让人民少了一个接受公正与开放资讯的管道。
（三） 贸然仓促及在欠缺合理的情况下把《你怎么说》停播，必然让国阵与成员党付出代价。这个决定也看出国阵/UMNO决策者保守与落后的心态，更重要的是未能从教训中反省学习。真理是越辩越明，民意必须要尊重。试图消音或压制，都是不敢面对客观事实的鸵鸟心态，也阻碍了国家社会进步开放的步伐。
感谢《你怎么说》的主持人及制作单位一直认真并秉持着公正客观的立场制作这个节目。我认为这个节目不可以被停止而必须继续，并且要做得更好。
注：
当今大马：“收视率远较其他语文清谈节目更高，部长腰斩《你怎么说》理由遭质疑”
http://www.malaysiakini.com/news/92514
独立新闻在线：“与各语言清谈节目不相上下，《你怎么说？》收视率不低”http://www.merdekareview.com/news.php?n=8043
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2008-10-19
接受成绩，加快转型步伐
从下午3点左右协助马华党选的计票过程。从计算中委选票开始（63名候选人选出25人），经过冗长且费神的过程后，再到副总会长，接着就是压轴的署理总会长及总会长的计票工作。
开票结果有意料中事，有的则是心中已经有所准备的结果。翁诗杰的中选是意料中事。因为马华处于非常时期，我们需要像翁诗杰这样的非常之人才可以让马华从谷中弹跳出来。而翁诗杰捍卫华社权利的形象也深入民心。因此，他是掌舵马华的最佳人选。加上昨晚看NTV7蔡锐明的总会长候选人政见发表，内容沉闷而毫无创意的政见，让人更坚定的支持翁诗杰。
选举成绩让人欣慰的是新一代的马华干部如李伟杰、何国忠、颜炳寿、李成材、王乃志、尤绰韬、黄日升、颜天禄、廖润强及卢诚国等人都高票跨入中委门槛，他们也将是马华走向转型的干将。
当然，我必须接受黄家泉落选的事实。他是一位有经验的团队工作者，若他当选马华转型的步伐将更一致。但是，他落选了。
作风强硬、主见意识极强的蔡细历在选后向媒体说他会与翁诗杰配合一起转型，但愿如此。毕竟陷入最低潮的马华已经没有内耗的本钱。
党选已经落幕，转型工作必须立即开始。我愿与这个新领导团队一起重振马华，富国强民。
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2008-10-11
“圆起圆步”篆书结业课程展欢迎词
我的习作-“奋进”
马华终身学习在10月10日到12日一连3天在马华大厦底层的拉曼学院延续教育中心举办“圆起圆步”篆书课程结业展。我也参加了这个篆书密集课程，3个月来跟着老师和一班同学一起学习篆书。从对于书法毫无认识到今天略懂一些欣赏书法的知识,这课程加强了我对中华文化根源的了解，也是在推动终身学习工作上一个充电的机会，并开拓了我进入文化艺术世界的一扇门。虽然文化艺术属于冷门的活动，然而在未来的日子，我仍然会持续推动中华文化有关的课程及活动，因为在忙碌于生活找生计的同时，也不可以忽略了人文素养。
以下为我在书法展开幕礼的欢迎词：
马华终身学习举办书法课程，目的是推广人文艺术活动，并希望通过鼓励学习书法而认识中华文化，加强华社弘扬传统文化的热忱。文化艺术活动在马来西亚相对的冷门，因此推广工作必须从不同层面与通过不同的活动切入，以动态与多元的活动吸引更多人一起参与其盛。在成功举办为期三个月的书法篆书密集课程后，马华终身学习决定举办结业展览，通过展览学员的习作以及配合一连串的书法活动，让书法从一个人的静态学习成为充满互动与有趣的学习。
学习书法普遍上被定位为休闲型活动，然而书法乃是蕴藏数千年中华文化的精华瑰宝，书法的形体与经典作品展现了中华历史与文化的深邃，因此学习书法是走入浩瀚中华文化的一扇门。
我们常说中华文化渊源流传数千年，博大精深，产生了许多思想哲学及经典文学史著。要进入中华文化的大观园，有的人从四书五经入门，有的人浸淫在经典文学和诗词的世界，我认为书法也是一个可以亲近中华文化的好方法。比起研读经典或是文学作品这些要求深厚语文水平的，书法比较“平民化”，因为只要会写中文，以及肯下功夫，基本上就可以写书法，而不需要高层次的文化语文要求。
学习书法都从临帖书法大师的经典著作开始。在临帖过程中，依着大师的笔墨一笔一字的学习，除了熏陶于文字艺术之美外，更是一个向经典、大师学习的过程，并从中领略其思想智慧，提升个人的人文素养。
三个月以来，这群来自不同工作领域的学员们跟着郭温和导师一笔一划的从基础开始学习。他们从书法门外汉到今天逐步领略书法的文化脉络，尤其掌握篆书这个悠远的古文字体，并有信心的展现自己的作品，这印映了只要认真用心学习，任何一个人都可以写书法。
展览学员作品也是希望传达书法艺术展览不仅局限于大师名家，只要认真学习并有信心，就可以呈献学习的成果，进而鼓励更多人学习书法，打破学习书法是艰涩难学的迷思。
这项展览展出了130余幅由篆书密集课程班18名学员所写的作品。这些作品都是学员学习过程的见证，也展现了学习所得的成就与自信。
感谢开幕嘉宾高等教育部副部长何国忠博士、现场挥毫的书法家李永和先生及余斯福先生、郭温和导师及筹备此项展览的工委会成员。
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